The following is the transcript of the speech delivered by  Special Representative of H. H. the Dalai Lama to Europe, Mr. Kelsang Gyaltsen, at the Symposium on Cultural Diplomacy & Human Rights on 31 May 2013, Berlin, Germany

Just last weekend we witnessed the public demonstration of the excellent bilateral relationship between Germany and China on the occasion of the visit of Chinese Prime Minister Li Keqiang to Berlin. A lot has been said and written about the „privileged partnership“ between Germany and China which both countries intend to further expand and deepen. This is welcome. The more China is integrated into the world community the more the likelihood that the arbitrariness of a one-party dictatorship can somewhat be curtailed by international rules and regulations. It is, however, of overriding importance to ensure that relations with China are conducted in a way that does not amount to tacitly condoning a dictatorship and its abuses and crimes. In fact as a matter of principle it should be the duty of every democracy entering into relations with a dictatorship to make this clear publicly.

Kelsang Gyaltsen, Special Representative of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to Europe

History has provided Germany with sufficient experiences and lessons from dealing with the former German Democratic Republic and the Soviet Union how to engage with dictatorships in a flexible but also principled and responsible way. An example of such a value-based strategic approach in dealing with totalitarian regimes is Willy Brandt’s Ostpolitik „Wandel durch Annäherung“ (change through rapprochement). In doing so, however, it is important to point out that Brandt’s Ostpolitik never implied the acceptance of the status quo or the acquiescence of the Communist dictatorship in East Germany. In fact the very long-term aim of that policy has been to bring about the eventual dismantlement of that dictatorship.

Today, what is required is the same political resolve, will and vision by the free world in dealing with the dictatorships of this new 21st century. Profit cannot and should not be the sole aim and the driving force for a democracy in building a relationship with a dictatorship. The conduct of relations with dictatorships must be guided by the pursuit of value-based strategic aims such as human rights, democracy and the rule of law.

It is the inherent nature of all human beings to yearn for freedom, justice and dignity. Human rights, democracy and the rule of law have become today universal aspirations of people suffering from oppression and persecution. The pursuit of fundamental freedoms, human rights and human dignity are as important to the peoples of Africa and Asia as it is to those in the West. But unfortunately it is often those people who are deprived of their human rights who are the least able to speak up for themselves. This responsibility, therefore, rests with those of us who do enjoy such freedoms.

The world needs Europe to play a leading role in the promotion, defence, and protection of human rights. At the core of Europe’s spirit is a fundamental belief in the inherent equality and dignity of all peoples and are the values of human rights, democracy and the rule of law. Guided by this spirit Europe succeeded in defeating and eliminating tyranny and despotism on the continent of Europe.

It is important that this spirit of Europe does not halt at the borders of Europe out of political expediency or because of commercial interests. The oppressed people around the world needs Europe’s commitment to these values beyond the shores of Europe.

In the case of my own country, Tibet, for too long the international community has underestimated the gravity and urgency of the plight of the Tibetan people.  To a certain extent, today’s dramatic worsening of the situation inside Tibet is clearly a consequence of the negligence of this issue by the international community.

Today the very survival of the Tibetan people with their distinct and unique culture, language, religion and identity is at threat. With the invasion and occupation of Tibet more than 60 years ago the Chinese authorities launched an era of radical changes not only in the political fortunes of the Tibetan people but also for Tibetan culture. The imposition of direct Chinese rule, combined with the application of Maoist political theories to Tibetan society, produced unprecedented social upheaval, cultural destruction and immense suffering for Tibetans.

The Chinese authorities see the distinct culture, religion, language and identity of Tibet as a threat to the stability of its rule and as a potential source for Tibet’s separation from China. Accordingly, there is an attempt to destroy the integral core of the Tibetan civilization and identity. After initial disastrous efforts to obliterate Tibetan culture in the early decades of Communist rule by physical destructions of monasteries and temples and killings of monks and nuns, Chinese authorities adjusted their policy to a more subtle and sophisticated approach by engaging in a consistent effort to replace authentic, organic Tibetan culture with a state-approved and controlled version that conforms with the ideological, political and economic objectives of the Chinese Communist Party. This effort has been pursued through intentional policies that are designed to fundamentally alter Tibetan culture in a way that robs it of its essence and turns it into something that the Chinese authorities can manage.

The Chinese party-state’s attacks on Tibetan Buddhism and culture are not just ancillary effects of this state and nation-building effort, but rather represent a central weapon in it. This is clear from the repeated ideological campaigns that the Chinese party-state has directed toward Tibet since its invasion. Given the might and resources that the Chinese party-state has at its disposal to carry out its long-term assimilation goals in Tibet, the threat of cultural genocide being committed in Tibet is imminent.

There is little doubt that the policies of the Chinese government with regard to Tibet have been established and executed in such a way that wholesale cultural destruction in Tibet was predictable and likely. It is also clear that the Chinese authorities have acted intentionally in its treatment of the Tibetans, including in the abrogation of their cultural rights, and that the present grave situation in Tibet is a cause for serious concerns that acts of cultural genocide will continue to be committed.

There is compelling evidence that the Chinese state’s policies and practices related to Tibetan culture have created conditions that violate key international human rights instruments and contain elements of cultural genocide. While there is no question that the various elements that comprise ‘cultural genocide’ are prohibited under international human rights law, these elements have not been formally bound together and recognized as a specific violation. It is, therefore, our sincere hope, that the tragic case of Tibet will encourage governments, universities, human rights organizations etc. to take the initiative in the further development of a cultural genocide framework.

Regardless of whether there is an international legal regime under which a charge of cultural genocide can be applied to the Chinese government, there is overwhelming evidence that the Tibetan culture is being dismantled and undermined at an alarming scale and pace and redefined by the Chinese state for its own purposes. This fact is well documented and substantiated by authoritative studies and reports. The conclusion is that the Chinese government’s policies and practices of cultural repression and destruction are so systematic and persistent in Tibet, and their effects are so serious, that they contain elements of cultural genocide.

For the Tibetan people these repeated and systematic assaults on their culture, religion and language cannot but be called genocidal in intent and impact. Raphael Lemkin, who first coined the term, genocide, in 1944 in his book „Axis Rule in Occupied Europe”, writes:

„By ,genocide’ we mean the destruction of an ethnic group. … Generally speaking, genocide does not necessarily mean the immediate destruction of a nation, except when accomplished by mass killings of all members of a nation. It is intended rather to signify a coordinated plan of different actions aiming at the destruction of essential foundations of the life of national groups, with the aim of annihilating the groups themselves. The objectives of such a plan would be disintegration of the political and social institutions, of culture, language, national feelings, religion, and the economic existence of national groups, and the destruction of the personal security, liberty, health, dignity, and even the lives of the individuals belonging to such groups …“

According to the UN Declaration on Rights of Indigenous Peoples of 1994, genocide involves attempts by a more powerful group to dilute the integrity of another group, dispossess them of their lands, assimilate or absorb them into the more powerful culture, or to seek to malign or diminish the minority culture through propaganda.

The sad fact is that almost all these aspects of an act of genocide have been well-established features of the tragedy in Tibet under Chinese occupation.

Viewing the Sino-Tibetan conflict in this context it is obvious that the fundamental cause of the Tibetan problem is not difference in ideology or social system or issues resulting from clashes between tradition and modernity. Neither is it just the issue of human rights violations alone. The root of the Tibetan issue lies in Tibet’s long and separate history, its distinct and ancient culture and civilisation and its unique identity.

Because of a total lack of understanding, appreciation and respect for Tibet’s distinct culture, history and identity, China’s Tibet policies have been consistently misguided. The use of force and coercion as the principal means to rule and administer Tibet compel Tibetans to lie out of fear and local officials to hide the truth and create false facts in order to suit and to please Beijing and its stewards in Tibet. As a result China’s treatment of Tibet continues to evade the realities in Tibet.

Today, it is the third and fourth generations of Tibetans, who are born under Chinese communist rule, who continue to resent and resist the Chinese policies in Tibet. The old generation of Tibetans, who witnessed the invasion and occupation, has gone. However, irrespective of the passage of time the freedom struggle of the Tibetan people continues with undiminished determination.

This sad state of affairs in Tibet is of no benefit either to the Tibetans or to the government of the PRC. To continue along this path does nothing to alleviate the suffering of the Tibetan people, nor does it bring stability and unity to China or help in enhancing her international image and standing. If China is seriously concerned about stability and unity, she must make honest efforts to win over the hearts of the Tibetans and not attempt to impose her will on them.

Successive Chinese leaders have always assured that the Chinese presence in Tibet is to work fort he welfare of the Tibetans and to help develop Tibet. If this is true and sincere, there is no reason why the Chinese leadership cannot start addressing the issue of Tibet by entering into a dialogue with us. Our position on a mutually acceptable solution is straightforward. We are not seeking separation and independence. What we are seeking is genuine self-rule for the Tibetan people. Our main concern is to ensure the survival of the Tibetan people with our distinct Buddhist cultural heritage and language. For this, it is essential that we Tibetans are able to handle our domestic affairs and to freely determine our social, economic and cultural development.

We remain committed to the path of non-violence and to the process of dialogue and reconciliation. It is our firm belief that only dialogue and a willingness to look with honesty and clarity at the reality in Tibet can lead to a mutually beneficial solution that will enhance greatly the stability and unity of the PRC and secure the basic rights of the Tibetan people to live in freedom, peace and dignity.

Against this background it is obvious that the Tibetan issue represents both a challenge and an opportunity for China. Many people throughout the world feel deeply committed to the Tibetan cause as a matter of humanitarian and moral principles. China’s inability to resolve the Tibetan issue peacefully has been tarnishing her international image and reputation. Moreover, there is no doubt that a solution to the Tibetan issue would have far-reaching positive implications for China’s image in the world, including in its dealing with Taiwan as well as in its relationship with India. Without peace and stability on the Tibetan plateau, it is unrealistic to hope that genuine trust and confidence can be restored in the Sino-Indian relationship.

Looking around the world we cannot fail to notice how unattended conflicts with strong ethnic undercurrents can erupt in ways that make them virtually impossible to solve. It is, therefore, in China’s interest not to let that happen in the case of Tibet. A creative and courageous initiative to resolve the issue of Tibet by the new Chinese leadership would serve as a widely appreciated signal that China is maturing and becoming more responsible in assuming a greater leading role on the global stage. Such a political initiative and gesture by the new Chinese leadership during this time of deep sense of insecurity and anxiety in the international community will go a long way to impressing and reassuring the public at home and in the larger world.

May 12, 2013

Sikyong Lobsang Sangay completed a successful visit to Washington DC. This was his third official visit to the American capital since assuming the Tibetan political leadership.

The Sikyong was in Washington from May 6 to 10 and was accompanied by Special Advisor Kaydor Aukatsang and Ngawang Yonten from the Office of Tibet in New York

The Sikyong was received at the airport by members of the Capital Area Tibetan Association. The visit got off to an auspicious start with the Sikyong paying his respects toHis Holiness the Dalai Lama on May 6 who was in the neighboring state of Maryland on May 6 and 7. During the weeklong visit, the Sikyong was able to reach out to new and important audiences for Tibet, and actively promote his agenda. Visit highlights included:

Congress

Senator Ben Cardin, a democrat from Maryland, and Chairman of the East Asian & Pacific Affairs Subcommittee, hosted a working coffee for the Sikyong on behalf of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on May 7. Senator Tim Kain, a democrat from Virginia, was also present.The two Senators and the Sikyong met for over an hour and discussed a range of issues related to Tibet.

Sikyong with Senator John McCain

Another important meeting in the Senate was with Senator McCain who warmly received the Sikyong and reiterated his support. There were also important meetings with key aides of Senators Leahy and Feinstein and senior staff at the Senate Appropriations Committee.

In the House of Representatives, the Sikyong met with Leader Nancy Pelosi and Congressmen Jim McGovern and George Miller. He, also, had a lunch meeting with 35 congressional staffers in the U.S. House of Representatives. This meeting was organized by the American Enterprise Institute. The staffers were able to ask questions and the Sikyong made a case for why Tibet is important and requested for support from the Congress.

Think Tank and NGO Community

The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) hosted “A Conversation with Sikyong Lobsang Sangay”on May 8th. Professor Jerome Cohen, a Senior Fellow at CFR, introduced the Sikyong and presided overthe evening. Speaking to a standing room only audience, the Sikyong spoke on his election, responsibilities, devolution of political power from His Holiness the Dalai Lama, Tibetan democracy and most importantly the current critical situation inside Tibet. Professor Cohen and the audience asked numerous questions. The audience was comprised of people in the government (both American and foreign), think tanks, media, universities, private and the NGO sectors.

Members of the audience listening to Sikyong at the Council on Foreign Relations event

The Foreign Policy Initiative (FPI), a non-profit, non-partisan organization, that has promotion of human rights of those oppressed by their governments as one of its objectives, hosted a private dinner for the Sikyong on May 6. The event brought together a select and high-level group of human rights and foreign policy experts in DC.

The Sikyong also met with representatives of various human rights organizations at the office of the International Campaign for Tibet on May 8. Leaders from Amnesty International,Reporters without Border, Project 2049 and Freedom House attended the meeting. The Sikyong earlier met with leaders of Human Rights Watch in a separate meeting.

The Sikyong met with the senior leadership of the National Endowment for Democracy on May 10th.

Media

The Hill, a widely read publication in DC, published an Op-Ed by the Sikyong on May 6.

C-SPAN, a private, non-profit American cable television network, did a live 40-minuteinterview and call-in show on May 10 as part of their C-SPAN Washington Journal program.

Josh Rogin,a well-known foreign policy journalist in Washington, DC interviewed the Sikyong for an upcoming article in Newsweek.

The Sikyong also spoke with Sadanand Dhume of the American Enterprise Institute and he will be writing a piece on Tibet in his column on the Wall Street Journal.

The Sikyong did a live interview with VOA Mandarin service on May 8. He did a recorded interview for VOA Tibetan Service on May 10, which will appear on Kunleng on May 15th.

In addition to the US Congress, think tanks and media, the Sikyong and his delegation also had meetings with officials in the current President Obama administration.

Tibetan Community

DC area Tibetan community members listening to the Sikyong’s speech
Lastly, over a hundred Tibetans came together the evening of May 9 to meet the Sikyong and hear him provide an update on the work of the Kashag, and the purpose and accomplishments of his third visit to Washington, DC.

The Sikyong left for India via a stopover in Europe on May 10.

Portland, Oregon, USA 11 May 2013

His Holiness the Dalai Lama began his fourth day in Portland, Oregon by giving a short interview to be included in an environmental documentary being created by Maitripa College. He expressed a concern not just for those alive today, but for future generations, suggesting that ecological problems may not affect us, but they will affect them if we don’t act. Asked how compassionate thought can change the world, he said:

His Holiness the Dalai Lama taking part in an interview for Maitripa College’s environmental documentary in Portland, Oregon on May 11, 2013. Photo/Jeremy Russell/OHHDL

“One of my dreams, perhaps an impossible dream, is to harness the solar potential of places like the Sahara desert and to use the power to run desalination plants that will produce clean water. It’s a project that would have widespread benefits and would function on a scale that would require global co-operation.”

To a question about what makes him happy, he replied, “Seeing other people smile.”

His next engagement was a press conference at the Veterans Memorial Coliseum, where he first sketched out what he considers the three commitments of his life: explaining the idea that human happiness depends on concern for each other; fostering inter-religious harmony and, although he has now retired politically and has ended the Dalai Lamas’ role in Tibetan politics, the responsibility he retains to work to preserve the Tibetan religion, language and culture. He also expressed his view that media have an important role to present the public with a realistic view of the world. To do this they need to have a long nose, like an elephant’s trunk to sniff out what is going on, both up front and behind the scenes. Finally, he mentioned his conviction of the need to introduce secular ethics in our societies to bring a sense of inner values back into our lives.

Asked what he looked forward to every day, he replied:

“I dedicate my body, speech and mind to the benefit of others, but that doesn’t mean I neglect my own interests. I need to keep up my health and strength if I am to be effective.”

And to a question about relations with China, he said:

“Things are changing, but the 1.3 billion Chinese people have a right to know the reality of what is going on and once they understand that reality, they are capable of judging right from wrong. Therefore, the censorship that currently exists in China is harmful, morally wrong and leads to a mistrust of the authorities. Meanwhile, Chinese peasants have a miserable lot that will only be relieved if the Chinese legal system is brought up to international standards.”

Oregon Governor John Kitzhaber introduces His Holiness the Dalai Lama and panelists at the start of the environmental summit on “Universal Responsibility and the Global Environment” at Veterans Memorial Coliseum in Portland, Oregon on May 11, 2013. Photo/Jeremy Russell/OHHDL

From the press conference His Holiness went on to join Oregon Governor John Kitzhaber; Andrea Durbin, executive director of the Oregon Environmental Council; and scientist David Suzuki, who hosts the Canadian television series, ‘The Nature of Things,’ in an environmental summit on the theme ‘Universal Responsibility and the Global Environment.’ Discussions were moderated by David Miller, host of Oregon Public Broadcasting’s ‘Think Out Loud.’ His Holiness was introduced before an audience of more than 10,000 by Senator Jeff Merkley. His Holiness had a number of points to make about the urgency of the environmental situation to begin with:

“In 1959 I was able to escape from Tibet to India because of the problems we faced there, but if our world experiences problems there is nowhere else for us to go. As a Buddhist monk I don’t have any children to worry about, but I’m sure the Governor and other panellists do. We have to be concerned about the future of those children and grandchildren. Allowing the gap between rich and poor to grow is not only morally wrong, but also practically a mistake. It’s not that we need to make the rich poorer, but we must find ways to improve the lot of the poor.”

His Holiness the Dalai Lama talking to Dr. David Suzuki, a scientist, during the environmental summit at Veterans Memorial Coliseum in Portland, Oregon on May 11, 2013. Photo/Motoya Nakamura/The Oregonian

David Suzuki remarked:

“We have already passed so many tipping points, but it doesn’t seem to me there is any point in just saying ‘It’s too late’.”

Andrea Durbin agreed that on the global scale climate change is the big issue and we have not done nearly enough to address it, but on a local level there are other issues such as babies being born pre-polluted. There are 43 unregulated chemicals presently being passed on to babies while still in the womb. Governor John Kitzhaber added that we live in an economy based on consumption and we need a new measure of how it functions.

“It is our lifestyle that is important,” His Holiness responded, “but freedom is also important. The gap between rich and poor means that the poor are not free. We need to find ways to voluntarily restrain our greed and consumption and to encourage others to do so too. In pursuing our self-interest we need to be realistic; this is why education is so important. We need to develop a more contented way of life.”

Governor Kitzhaber pointed out that it is not just what we consume but our rate of consumption that needs to be addressed, while Andrea Durbin said that the old bumper sticker idea ‘Think globally, but act locally’ is still very relevant.

Asked what can be learned from the Buddhist view of the environment, His Holiness pointed out that during the lives of the founders of the great religions there were no environmental problems. However, he felt that it’s instructive that the Buddha was not born in a palace but under a tree. He attained enlightenment not in a cave, but seated under a tree and he passed away not in a monastery, but lying down beneath a tree. In the code of monastic discipline monks are encouraged not only to plant trees, but also to take care of them and in the context of their itinerant way of life, monks who come after are bound to care for the trees planted by those who went before. The unique Buddhist philosophical concept of interdependence can be seen at work everywhere in the natural environment and is relevant to every field of activity. From this we can see, His Holiness suggested, that human happiness depends on taking others into account.

There was a consensus about the need for a new vision with regard to the environment in a new spirit of co-operation. David Suzuki said we need a paradigm shift about our place on the planet. It’s un-American he declared to say: “We can’t.” The Governor averred, suggesting that in changing our economic model we have to be clear about what we want. He pointed out that when President Kennedy launched the US space program, he didn’t lay out a road map so much as he clearly indicated the destination.

His Holiness concluded with an explanation of three levels of understanding.

“First we listen or read and gather information; next we think about what we’ve learned and analyse it from different angles. Finally, we make ourselves thoroughly familiar with what we’ve understood. This is the way to reach a firm conviction on the basis of which we can change our way of life.”

Governor Kitzhaber invited the panellists to lunch in the company of two Oregon Senators and the Mayor of Portland. In the afternoon, Congressman Earl Blumenauer introduced His Holiness to the audience of nearly 11,000 people. His Holiness began as he does so often:

“Brothers and sisters I am very happy to be here with the opportunity to share some of my thoughts with you. I look forward to your stimulating questions from which I too can learn. I’d also like to take this opportunity to thank the organisers for making this possible. Over the last 2-3 days we’ve had a lot of conversation about the environment; a serious topic. But now, I’ll mostly be talking about compassion, having a genuine sense of concern for others. All the major religious traditions have the potential to produce great practitioners dedicated to serving others. But there are also people who increasingly have little interest in religion. They remain part of humanity; they also need the practice of compassion.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama acknowledging the 11,000 members of the audience wearing white silk scarves at the end of his talk at Veterans Memorial Coliseum in Portland, Oregon on May 11, 2013. Photo/Jeremy Russell/OHHDL

“The root of compassion is a biological factor: the affection we receive from our mothers when we are born. Such affection, which has nothing to do with the practice of religion, is crucial to our very survival. What’s more, it’s a unique human quality to be able to extend our sense of compassion to the welfare of others. If we confine ourselves to external, material values, to the neglect of such inner values as compassion, we’ll never find the contentment that is the mark of real happiness.”

He cited the example of the pleasure we get from buying a new car; for a few days we may be really thrilled. But if after a month or two our neighbour buys a new car, we start to think of ours as old and ugly, and we want to get rid of it. What has changed is not the car, but our attitude to it.

In such a context, His Holiness suggests we need to strengthen such inner values as contentment, patience and tolerance, as well as compassion for others, which he refers to as secular ethics. Keeping in mind that it is expressions of affection rather than money and power that attract real friends, compassion is the key to ensuring our own well-being.

When it came to questions and answers, he was asked how people could help Tibet and its people. He replied:

“Whenever you meet our Chinese brothers and sisters, share with them a real picture of what’s happening in Tibet, of the qualities of Tibetan culture and what’s happening to that. Help them to fulfil Deng Xiaoping’s dictum, ‘Seek truth from facts.’”

To a question about how to avoid falling into sadness and despair in the face of difficulties, he quoted the 8th century Indian master Shantideva who advised that we evaluate problems we encounter. If they can be overcome there is no need to worry, what we need to do is take whatever action is necessary. If they cannot be overcome, worrying is of no use; better to do something else instead.

At the end of His Holiness’s talk and the end of his public appearances in Oregon, members of the audience presented white silk scarves or katas to him from their seats in the arena and then hung them around their necks. Suddenly the auditorium was filled with white. His Holiness showed his appreciation by explaining that the Tibetan custom of offering such scarves derives from an Indian tradition of offering a shawl; the material is silk that traditionally came from China, and the scarves are inscribed with auspicious verses written in Tibetan. Finally, he said the smooth texture and white colour indicate the virtue of living a calm, peaceful life with a pure heart.

His Holiness’s host, Yangsi Rinpoche stepped forward to offer his gratitude and to wish His Holiness a very long life.

As he waved to the cheering crowd, His Holiness’s parting words were:

“We are all human beings; the potential I have, you have too.”

Portland, Oregon, USA 9 May 2013

Starting his first full day in Portland, the ‘City of Roses’, His Holiness the Dalai Lama drove to the Chiles Center of the University of Portland where he was given a traditional Tibetan welcome by members of the 600 strong Tibetan community who live here. He was received by University of Portland President, Father Bill Beauchamp and Speaker of the Oregon House of Representatives, Tina Kotek. They escorted him to an interfaith gathering before an audience of 4300, the theme of which was ‘Spirituality and the Environment’. In her introduction, Speaker Kotek quoted His Holiness’s advice at the time of the Rio summit to “think of the one world to which we all belong.”

Invited to offer a few introductory words, His Holiness said:

Young children offer flowers to His Holiness the Dalai Lama before the start of the interfaith gathering on ‘Spirituality and the Environment’ at the University of Portland in Portland, Oregon on May 9, 2013. Photo/Don Farber

“Spiritual brothers and sisters, brothers and sisters, I am very happy to be here for this, my first engagement on this visit to this beautiful city. Religious faith only exists among human beings; animals don’t have it. When people are facing difficulties beyond their control, their faith brings hope. When we are about to become angry and full of hatred, what restrains us is a sense of forgiveness. All the major religious traditions recognise this.

“Because we live in different kinds of environment and climatic conditions, we have developed different kinds of faith, but their goal is the same, to strengthen our basic sense of love and compassion. However, in order for that to be effective we need to take our religious practice seriously, not treating it just as some kind of ritual to be run through. For many of us, our faith only seems to appear when we are in the temple, church, synagogue or mosque. In our day to day life we give in to anger, hatred and so forth, destructive emotions that can lead to violence.”

He reiterated that while adopting religion is a matter of individual choice, if we do so, we should do so sincerely. He said that from time to time it is also important that religious leaders get together like this to show that in spirituality we share a message of peace. Because history is marked by incidents of conflict and bloodshed in the name of religion, it is important to work for and to demonstrate harmony among our spiritual traditions.

Regarding the natural environment, Father Bill quoted Genesis: “And he looked on everything he had created and saw that it was good.” This, he said, is an expression of the precious gift with which we have been entrusted. Grandmother Agnes Pilgrim recited a long prayer calling on Grandfather – God – to inspire us to care for the earth, the air and, most of all, the water, but also praying for the welfare of Tibetans.

His Holiness agreed that we have to take seriously that to some extent our behaviour affects the environment and consequently the climate. Therefore we have to take steps to protect this world, which is after all our only home. He mentioned small things that we can all do and which he does himself like turning off the lights when he leaves the room and showering instead of running a full bath. Father Bill concurred, saying that when he grew up no one gave any thought to taking care of the world; they just took it for granted. That way of thinking needs to change, indeed the younger generation today do think differently about it.

Imam Najieb recited a seven-fold prayer from the Quran in Arabic and English. Rabbi Cahana suggested that religious communities have a responsibility to inspire such a change of thought. He said that with regard to the environment one emotion unites us all: gratitude. Gratitude reminds us of the relationship between us and the environment. He quoted the Torah and God’s instructing Adam, “If you corrupt the world, there is no one to repair it after you.”

His Holiness was asked about his relationship to the environment in Tibet. He said that because of the small population the environment was pure and beautiful. In Tibet all the sources of water were clean and he was shocked to learn when he came to India that in many places water was too polluted to drink. This was a case of ignorance corrected by experience. He mentioned that the Tibetan plateau is so crucial to the water supply of about one billion people in Asia that one Chinese ecologist referred to Tibet as the Third Pole. He expressed the hope that those who recklessly exploit such resources in Tibet can also be educated to change. Grandmother Agnes commented that while laughter is the cheapest medicine, water is the best; we should be thankful for water.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama speaking during the interfaith gathering on ‘Spirituality and the Environment’ in Portland, Oregon on May 9, 2013. Photo/Don Farber

Father Bill reminded everyone that the purpose of such an interfaith dialogue should not finish today, but should go on and be translated into action. Imam Najieb agreed that it should be a springboard from which to activate others. His Holiness was asked to offer a conclusion:

“We should never harm each other in the name of religion. Why not? Because like it or not we have to live together. The closer the contact we have with each other the greater our admiration and appreciation will be of the qualities of other religions, the source of solace for millions of people. At a conference years ago I met a physicist who told me how much he valued his field of study, but that he’d learned he couldn’t let himself become attached to it. I realised then that although I’m a Buddhist, I cannot afford to be attached to Buddhism, because that attachment creates bias and an inability to appreciate the goodness in others.

“The notion of one truth and one religion contradicts the reality of many truths and many religions. This is clarified when we see that as far as the individual is concerned it’s right to think of one truth and one faith, but as far as the wider human community is concerned we have to acknowledge the reality that there are many truths and many faiths. This is why I always advise: keep to your own religion, but learn from others.”

Participants in the interfaith meeting were invited to a luncheon at the President’s house, at the end of which His Holiness was again asked for his thoughts. He said:
“I’m very glad to have come to this city once more; this morning’s session, in the spirit of religious brotherhood, was very good. We need to repeat this in Africa, the Arab world and the Middle East. My brain enjoyed the meeting, my body enjoyed the lunch; thank you.”

Mayor of Portland, Charlie Hales, in his introduction to the afternoon session, pointed out that whereas other cities have parks within them, Portland, surrounded by mountains, forests and rivers, is a city within a park itself, and an ideal place to talk about the natural environment. However, wanting also to know how to work on the ways we treat one another, he requested His Holiness to speak.

“Dear brothers and sisters,” His Holiness began, “it’s a great honour to speak to you. Although I can see a great variety of faces and dress among you, I always stress the oneness of humanity.

“Most of the conflicts between us are our own creation, man-made problems. Well, some are women-made too, but violence tends to be more of a male problem. Our problems are linked to our dwelling on the secondary differences between us. We 7 billion human beings are the same mentally, emotionally and physically. We all want to live a happy life and avoid trouble; and we all have a right to do so. As social animals, our sense of community has a lot to do with this. Today, the global economy with its benefits and drawbacks goes far beyond national boundaries or religious divides. Problems like climate change affect us all.”

He mentioned that while the twentieth century was a period of unprecedented bloodshed, we should learn from it and make the twenty-first century an era of peace. It is not that there will no longer be any problems to resolve, but instead of force we should resort to dialogue in every instance. Peace can only be achieved through non-violence. This is something we have to train and educate our children to put into effect.

What is required is a sense of secular ethics, which is related to training and disciplining our minds and emotions. We need to develop a map of the mind. Just as we observe physical hygiene to keep ourselves healthy, we also need a sense of emotional hygiene to ensure the health of our minds.

His Holiness advised one questioner that change in the world comes from individuals, from the inner peace in individual hearts. Just as ripples spread out when a single pebble is dropped into water, the actions of individuals can have far-reaching effects. Another student asked how we can engage in dialogue with those who do not want to talk and His Holiness argued that if we seek reconciliation with patience and forgiveness other people will change. Regarding the natural environment, many people may still be uninformed and unaware of the issues involved. The solution is education.

Yangsi Rinpoche, founder of Maitripa College, the principal organiser of the day’s events, concluded the occasion with thanks to His Holiness for coming and with wishes for his long life.

Maryland, USA 7 May 2013

Just before landing at Dulles Airport at the end of His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s long flight from India yesterday, the pilot warned of heavy cloud cover over the Washington area. Today, the steady rain that fell as His Holiness drove to the Comcast Center of the University of Maryland to give the annual Anwar Sadat Lecture for Peace deterred none of the audience of 15,000 from attending. They gave him a rousing welcome when he walked onto the stage escorted by University of Maryland President, Wallace Loh, Dr Elahe Omidyar Mir-Djalali, founder of the Roshan Cultural Heritage Institute and Dr Jehan Sadat, widow of the late Egyptian President and founder of the Anwar Sadat Lecture for Peace in his memory.

President Loh welcomed everyone; Prof Shibley Telhami spoke and introduced Dr Mir-Djalali and her work to foster Persian studies. She in turn introduced Dr Jehan Sadat, touching on her work for peace and the advancement of women. Dr Sadat recalled that her husband, like His Holiness, had been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, but noted that despite his efforts and sacrifices, peace in the region remains elusive. He knew that there had to be a comprehensive peace and that the crux of it was the conflict between the Israelis and Palestinians. In the face of this, he sought a just and lasting peace.

Introducing His Holiness, President Loh said he was honoured to host someone who calls himself a simple Buddhist monk, who has said: “My religion is simple with no need for grand temples or complicated philosophy; our heart is the temple and the philosophy is kindness and compassion.”

“When I give a talk there is no need for formality, because we are all human beings,” His Holiness began, “We are born and we die without formality. So I prefer to begin by greeting you as my respected elder brothers and sisters and my younger brothers and sisters. As human beings we are all the same; we each want to lead a happy, peaceful life and avoid problems. And each of us has a right to do so.

“We may have slightly different shaped noses and different coloured hair, but on a deeper level we are all the same; we are moved by positive and destructive emotions. We have the same potential. “

His Holiness the Dalai Lama and University of Maryland President Dr Wallace Loh with the University of Maryland mascot Terrapin in College Park, Maryland on May 7, 2013. Photo/Jeremy Russell/OHHDL

He repeated that we all want a happy life, but asked what long lasting happiness consists of. He pointed out that the sensory pleasure we are used to is short lived, but that lasting inner peace comes from mental training. In that context, hermits, who spend most of their lives in meditation, tap into a source of deep and lasting happiness. His Holiness recalled meeting a Spanish monk who had spent five years in retreat meditating on love. When he talked to him there was a brightness in his eyes that revealed his peace of mind, which was not the result of sensory experience but of inner tranquillity.

“Material development is essential for our physical comfort, but we also need inner values. Inner peace is essential for our well-being and even our good health. I sometimes half tease young women about the time and money they spend on cosmetics. Of course, external beauty has its place, but far more important is inner beauty.” This stirred the audience’s laughter and applause.

“A more compassionate attitude gives us self-confidence. With that we can be more transparent and honest – this creates trust. Trust is the basis of friendship and we need to remember that we are social animals who need friends.”

His Holiness continued:

“I am very honoured to have been invited to give this Anwar Sadat Lecture for Peace. President Sadat took bold steps to create peace in the Middle East. Today, I am happy and honoured to have met his widow and to have been able to tell her what an admirer I was from a distance of the actions he took to overcome mistrust and suspicion.”

Reflecting on the role of religion, he asked why the different religious traditions offer different philosophical views and practices, answering that it is to create a better more compassionate person. He said that peace in the world must come from inner peace within individuals and the source of that inner peace is compassion for others. People have different attitudes and approaches; they have different ways of life. But when we realise the common aim of our various religious traditions, we can develop mutual respect, and on that basis we can learn from one another.

He remarked that the twentieth century was a period of bloodshed and violence, which is why he hopes the twenty-first century will be instead a century of peace and dialogue. The generation who are young today have an opportunity to create a better world on the basis of the oneness of humanity. Continuing to dwell on the secondary differences between us, while overlooking the oneness of humanity and humanity’s needs will lead to disaster.

As a final challenge His Holiness proposed, to loud applause, that we aim to achieve a demilitarised world; something, he asserted, that really is possible.

Asked about ethics in education, he said that education is what shapes the world.

“We need to educate people to understand that their own well-being depends on others, whereas problems derive from a lack of inner values. We are investigating how to introduce ethics into modern education, something that involves the mind. We need to develop a map of the mind and an appreciation of the value of affection. Children readily recognise and respond to affection, but adults try to fool themselves that they can do without it. What we need is secular ethics.”

With regard to trying to achieve inter-religious harmony, His Holiness acknowledged that there is conflict among Buddhists as well as other traditions. In connection with the recent cases in which Buddhists have been harassing Muslims in Burma, he said he had appealed to the Buddhists there to remember the face of the Buddha and to reflect that if the Buddha were among us today, he would offer those Muslims his protection.

As the meeting neared its conclusion, President Loh awarded His Holiness an Honorary Degree of Doctor of Humane Letters presenting him with the hood and citation. In addition he made a gift to His Holiness of a work of Art for Peace, an award winning piece of sculpture symbolising dignity. In his expression of gratitude, His Holiness said that such gestures of acknowledgement encourage him in his efforts to contribute to the betterment of humanity. Turning back to the audience, he asked them to consider what he had said, to assess whether it had any value, if it did to familiarise themselves with it and to try to put it into practice in their daily lives.

Meeting a local inter-religious group during the lunch break, he said:

“We must aim to end conflict in the name of religion. Your group is small, but it is like a seed. Without a seed there is no growth, but from one seed great things grow. Your work is wonderful and is one of the best ways to fulfil the wishes of the founders of your respective faiths.”

Addressing guests attending a luncheon reception at the President’s House, he said:

“As human beings we are intelligent, but we also need warm-heartedness. Please bring warm-heartedness to bear in your work in the education system. Among human beings trust comes about, not from expressions of wealth or fame, but from our showing affection. Then you can speak and act with honesty and transparency, which serves to reinforce trust and friendship.”

In the afternoon, at the Clarice Smith Performing Arts Center, His Holiness participated in a Meeting of Two Oceans: Dialogue on Sufism and Buddhism. After President Loh’s welcoming words, the Dean, Bonnie Thornton Dill set the scene for the meeting and thanked all who had made it possible, singling out Ven. Tenzin Dhonden for appreciation. Elahe Omidyar Mir-Djalali, founder of the Roshan Institute, spoke of her friendship with His Holiness and how in recognition of the oneness of humanity he has promoted a sense of universal responsibility. She said:

“He reminds me of the high ideals of Sufism that I absorbed in my childhood and the saying ‘You are what your heart is’. Sufism is the awakening of the voice of inner knowledge encompassing the ethical precepts common to all world religions.”

His Holiness the Dalai Lama and fellow panelists during their dialogue on Sufism and Buddhism at the University of Maryland in College Park, Maryland on May 7, 2013. Photo/Mike Morgan

She introduced Fateme Keshavarz who read from the poet Rumi and was accompanied by Hossein Omoumi, player of the ney, the traditional reed flute of Iran and Jessika Kenney, who sang. She quoted Sufi tradition that the inner voice, the qualities of the heart, can be awakened by music. Ahmet Karamustafa spoke about the Sufi journey from ordinary selfishness to selflessness and how Sufis would organise themselves around a Sufi master, while Carl Ernst talked about the Sufi role in the harmony between Hindus and Muslims in India.

His Holiness mentioned his acquaintance with a Sufi master living in Paris, whose son came to India to study Buddhism. He acknowledged that Dr Mir-Djalali had told him about the resonance between Sufism and Buddhism, noting that when she said that Sufi means knowledge and cognition, he reflected that this corresponds with Sanskrit Buddhism’s emphasis on analysis and wisdom.

He appreciated the music and singing, which he said we find in all religious traditions, but cautioned that if we become too attached to the instrument or the technique we risk forgetting the meaning, so the point is lost. A Tibetan master said this was like clinging to the branches while ignoring the roots, to which Fateme Keshavarz quickly responded that for Sufis music is a way to reach the roots. She said she grew up thinking that God was part of us, not something somewhere else. His Holiness agreed, saying that Buddhists refer to Buddha nature, which might be thought of as our deeper nature. Our job is to awaken it.

His Holiness also appreciated a similarity of metaphors in the veils of ignorance that need to be peeled away; 70,000 according to Sufi tradition. Buddhists refer to 84,000 veils of destructive emotions.

In his concluding words His Holiness said it was very good to have such opportunities to appreciate the similarities in our traditions. He stressed that the time has come to really work to promote religious harmony and that to do that effectively we must develop mutual respect and understanding. This should involve exchanges of experience not just works of scholarship. He said:

“I appreciate all of your efforts to organise this gathering and look forward to when we can do it again.”

Bolzano, South Tyrol, Italy, 10 April 2013 – Snow capped mountain peaks can be seen from the streets of Bolzano, capital city of the autonomous province of South Tyrol. On a bright spring morning today, Dr Klaus Kluther, Cabinet Chief came to escort His Holiness on the short walk across the road from his hotel, which was flying the Tibetan flag amongst others over the door.

Meeting a group of school children on the way, His Holiness asked if they preferred to study or have a holiday and their teacher replied that they were all excited to be going on a visit to the Archaeology Museum. Arriving at the Provincial Offices, His Holiness was received by President Luis Durnwalder and they held discussions together for nearly half an hour. The President expressed his pleasure that His Holiness had come to visit once again, a sign, he felt, of the firm friendship between them. On his part, His Holiness acknowledged the friendship and support that South Tyrol has shown Tibetans over the years. He offered thanks on behalf of himself, the Tibetan community in exile and the 6 million Tibetans in Tibet.

Proceedings for the presentation of the Minority Award opened with the playing of a Mozart sonata for flute and harp. The Master of Ceremonies welcomed His Holiness and requested President Durnwalder to address the gathering. He began:

South Tyrol President Luis Durnwalder addressing the gathering during the Minority Award presentation to His Holiness the Dalai Lama in Bolzano, South Tyrol, Italy, on April 10, 2013. Photo/Alessandro Molinari

“Your Holiness, we have much in common. We have different histories and different culture, but what we share is that we represent minority populations facing similar problems. There are 164 countries in the world where minorities live, and while many accord them their rights, others do not show such respect. They try to dominate and suppress their minorities, often resorting to the use of force and violence. Ultimately, it is the non-violent approach that succeeds, because it is peaceful and friendly. Your Holiness has become an international ambassador for non-violence and support for minorities, and we are pleased to welcome you here again.”

He declared that South Tyrol is like a laboratory conducting an experiment to ensure the survival of minority populations. The Minority Award had been set up to shed light on the problems minorities face. This year, though he said, the light that it might have shone on the situation of Tibetans is like a candle in comparison to His Holiness’s efforts. Nevertheless, the message that South Tyrol wants to send is that the rights of minorities should never be surrendered and that they will work to remind others of this.

When His Holiness was invited to respond, he said that he would like to follow the President’s example and at least begin what he had to say in his mother tongue. He said:

“It’s a great honour for me to accept this award. And while offering my personal thanks, I would like to think that this award has been given to Tibetans who are still struggling for freedom. I very much appreciate this award being given by a group of people who have been staunch friends and who have blazed the trail to autonomy before us.

“We Tibetans are trying to achieve genuine autonomy within the People’s Republic of China. We have our own language with its own script, and a long history, therefore it’s logical that we should want to achieve meaningful autonomy. Our focus is not merely on the so-called Tibet Autonomous Region, but on all three provinces where Tibetans live, spread as they are through five Chinese provinces.”

He noted that in the thirty years since proper autonomy has been achieved in South Tyrol, economic well being has risen from amongst the poorest to one of the best in Italy and quality of life has improved too. This he attributed to the freedom given to people’s natural creativity, which he said was very encouraging.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama is presented the Minority Award by South Tyrol President Luis Durnwalder in Bolzano, South Tyrol, Italy, on April 10, 2013. Photo/Alessandro Molinari

He concluded with a short explanation of his own retirement from political responsibility, which he has transferred to the elected Tibetan leadership. Meanwhile, considering himself just one among 7 billion human beings, every one of whom seeks happiness and shuns suffering, he works to promote affection and warm-heartedness as the basis on which these goals can be achieved. Secondly, bearing in mind that religions espouse tolerance and forgiveness, for them to become sources of conflict is a contradiction, so he has taken a commitment to encourage inter-religious harmony. He conceded that there are differences among religions in terms of their various views and approaches that accommodate people’s various aptitudes, but they share a common goal of fostering love and compassion in people’s hearts. Finally, where he was previously dedicated to the Tibetan struggle for freedom, he has now turned his focus to preserving Tibetan Buddhist culture, which as a culture of peace and compassion is of value not only to Tibetans but to the world at large.

President Luis Durnwalder then presented His Holiness with the Minority Award in the form of written citation.

Meeting the press afterwards, His Holiness was asked his reaction to the self-immolations that continue to take place in Tibet. He replied:

“For years I have considered myself a free spokesperson for the people of Tibet, but those people are my boss. Those who are pursuing this course of action are doing so not because they are drunk or beset by family problems, but because of the desperate situation in which they find themselves. Because they are the boss, there is nothing for me to say. If I were to ask them to stop, I’d have to have an alternative to offer and I don’t. All we can do is pray.”

Asked how he kept his even temper and happy outlook, His Holiness remarked that he wanted to live a happy life and in order to do that a calm mind is essential. He said he recognises that anger and frustration utterly destroy our peace of mind, so he restrains them. We must approach problems with a calm mind and taking others’ interests into account is one way to ensure we preserve that.

Meeting the press he was asked about the struggle for Tibetan autonomy and replied that the South Tyrol served as a good working model. Autonomy for Tibet had been discussed in 1951, and again in 1956. Mao Zedong agreed to it, it is provided for in the Chinese constitution, and up until 1959, Tibetans worked to achieve it.

Invited to advise how world peace can be achieved, His Holiness was unequivocal that peace in the world depends on individuals’ first finding peace within. World peace will not be found through prayer alone, but by overcoming anger, hatred and our array of disturbing emotions.

In an interview with Trento TV it was suggested that people are scared of China; are they right? His Holiness responded that China is the world’s most populous nation and its people have a right to grow and develop, so trying to contain China is wrong. He said that change will come about, but it may not be immediate. The new leaders may be aware of the need for change, but have not yet discovered how to bring it about.

President Luis Durnwalder hosted a lunch for His Holiness, his cabinet and leading representatives of the local clergy. In the afternoon, His Holiness was invited to speak at the European Academy and answer questions drawn from his book ‘Beyond Religion’. He began by clarifying that the title, selected by the publisher, should not be misunderstood. The book deals with secular ethics whose basis is the biological factor of affection that we all respond to as soon as we are born. His Holiness reiterated that when he uses the word secular he means having respect for all religions and non-believers too. He said he has read that of the 7 billion human beings alive today, almost 1 billion declare themselves non-believers. However, considering how little their piety in the temple or church affects so many people in their real lives these days, he feels that many more should really be counted as non-believers. Since religion seems ineffective in such cases, secular ethics may have greater appeal.

The important point His Holiness said he wanted to make is that dealing with our emotions, which is one of the ways to put secular ethics into effect, will be achieved by improving awareness not through prayer. When we become angry, prayer will not help. We need to understand how our emotions work. We need to pursue this through education and coming to understand the map of the mind.

Asked whether he was an optimist or pessimist, His Holiness unhesitatingly declared that he is an optimist. He recalled his quantum physics teacher Carl Friedrich Freiherr von Weizsäcker pointing out that at the end of the second world war in every German eye the French were an enemy and the Germans were similarly enemies for the French, and yet in a generation that had all changed. Likewise the British Queen Mother, who had lived since the start of the twentieth century, told him that life had hugely improved in that time. She said that when she was young there was no talk of self-determination or human rights, concepts now widely accepted. To a question about China he said that it is essential to keep in touch with the Chinese. One of their biggest problems is ignorance, a result of not being properly informed. Chinese have written to His Holiness to tell him that if more Chinese were aware of the Middle Way approach, the attempt to find a mutually beneficial solution to the problems of Tibet, they would support it. He stressed the power of truth.

Finally, asked if he would come again to South Tyrol, His Holiness said that he had been invited to do so over lunch, but that early this morning he had opened his window and the sound of bird song filling the air made him think that he would like to come back and spend several days here in the future.

By Allen Carlson
March 29, 2013

Beijing should give consideration to re-starting a process of engaging the Dalai Lama in dialogue, one that might even result in his return to Tibet.

A Tibetan nomad family

March 10th, the anniversary of the uprising that led to the Dalai Lama’s flight from Tibet in 1959, has come and gone. While it is not as infamous in the West as the Ides of March, it is a day of great symbolic import in Tibet and has become a focal point for the expression of Tibetan protest against Chinese rule over the region. Yet, unlike in 2008 when widespread unrest enveloped Tibet following the anniversary, this month has seen no dramatic upheavals on the rooftop of the world.

On the surface such an outcome validates Beijing’s three-pronged approach toward managing the Tibet issue. First, it continues to send large-scale subsidies to the region intended to spur economic growth. Second, it oversees a dense network of coercive and surveillance measures designed to stifle any public expression of dissent. Third, it stymies the prospect of serious talks with the charismatic Dalai Lama in favor of waiting for his death. This final tactic appears to be based upon the assumption that China will be in a stronger negotiating position with the Tibetans after he is gone.

Read the full article “Moving Past the Wreckage of China’s Tibet Policy”

Allen Carlson is an Associate Professor in Cornell University’s Government Department.

A monk in Tibet

How badly does the Chinese government really want to stop Tibetan self-immolations? A campaigner suggests that the rhetoric from Beijing does not match the reality of draconian policy programmes

To hear senior Chinese officials speak of “innocents” who died in flames, you might think the government is really concerned. Even as the voices from Beijing blaming the Dalai Lama, Tibetans’ exiled spiritual leader, for the immolations get shriller and more frequent – they have offered up comparatively gentle rhetoric about those who have died. But examining Beijing’s policy response in Tibetan areas presents a different picture.     Read the full article

The writer is the China director at the Human Rights Watch, an advocacy organization headquatered in New York

Pico Iyer
The Cairo Review of Global Affairs
February 10, 2013

http://www.aucegypt.edu/gapp/cairoreview/Pages/articleDetails.aspx?aid=299

China needs Japan, Japan needs China,” the 14th Dalai Lama declared, with immovable conviction, as I listened to him in a sunlit conference room in Yokohama last November, a great Ferris wheel turning outside and a jungle of high-rising grey skyscrapers presiding over the blue bay. “Every nation on this planet needs others. So a small disagreement or division of interests should not affect basic relations. Of course Chinese people must love their nation, their culture: that is good! But it’s too extreme. It’s almost as if they’re suggesting that, across the planet, Chinese culture is the best. When we were in Tibet, we had some of that same kind of view: ‘Tibet is the best!’ That’s wrong! Too much emotion involved. Too short-sighted.

“In the past, I was sometimes telling people Buddhism was best. But after meeting with different people, from other traditions, now I feel you cannot say one religion is best. It’s like with medicine. In order to administer medicine, you have to look at the individual illness. For each body, according to its circumstances and natural conditions, a different system of medicine may be best.”

His Holiness the Dalai Lama in Mexico City (2011)

The absolute insistence on reason—which is unwavering as the laws of gravity and lasting and objective, as emotions are not—and the readiness to stress his own mistakes and those of his culture, while acknowledging the strengths of its longtime oppressor, the People’s Republic of China, reminded me that I was in the company of an unusual presence who thinks in unexpected ways, and all but remakes the political domain by rewriting its assumptions. For years now, the world has, understandably, concentrated on the Tibetan leader’s belly laughs, his warm charisma, his humanity, and all are compelling indeed, and inspiring; even when I ride with him in an elevator in a shopping-mall in Yokohama, he clutches the elbow of the beaming elevator operator, to give something personal to their brief interaction. Yet all the emphasis on his undeniably kind and tolerant heart often obscures what is to me his most singular quality, especially in the context of history and geopolitics: the clarity of his mind, and his unswerving emphasis on realism.

For each of the past seven Novembers, I’ve spent several days traveling across my adopted home of Japan with the Dalai Lama as the lone journalist in his small entourage. We’ve ended up at roadside convenience-stores where the disarming monk in red robes stands at the door with a can of “hot milk tea” and greets every surprised truck-driver with a smile and an outstretched hand. We’ve gone from fishing villages laid waste in the wake of the 2011 tsunami, where he consoled the recently orphaned, to lunches in central Tokyo filled with figures from the world of fashion; from the tropical graveyards of Okinawa to ninth century temples not far from the Peace Park in Hiroshima.

Almost as soon as the Tibetan leader came into exile in India in 1959, my father, a professional philosopher, sailed back from Oxford to meet him, and so I’ve been visiting the Tibetan leader in his home in Dharamsala since 1974, when I was in my teens. Now, as he goes through his working day in Japan, at once sharing Buddhist teachings with what remains the world’s most powerful Buddhist nation, and speaking for those in Tibet who can’t speak much for themselves, I sit in on almost every one of his private audiences—with politicians, with regular Tibetans, with friends of the Emperor and with long-haired Japanese heavy-metal musicians, who have somehow decided that they want to make Buddhism their message. The more I’ve watched him, the more I’ve come to see that his sovereign qualities are often the ones you don’t see on CNN or in newspapers, which concentrate on his contagious smile: a razor-sharp memory, a deeply practical commitment to something deeper than gestures or words, and a much more rigorous and tough-minded approach to the world than many might expect. As he said at a peace conference in Hiroshima, in 2010, “I don’t believe peace will come through prayer. Peace must come through our actions.”

Beyond Religion

The story of how a small boy born to a farmer’s family in a cowshed was discovered to be the fourteenth Dalai Lama at the age of two, enthroned in Lhasa at the age of four and then given full political leadership over his people as the troops of Mao Zedong flooded into Tibet when he was fifteen, is so colorful and exotic that it’s easy to overlook its hard-core heart: the fact that, from the time he was in kindergarten, the Dalai Lama was put through a grueling, eighteen-year doctoral course specializing in logic and dialectics. And even more than most monks who emerge from that training, he likes to stress that the Buddha—his “boss,” as he calls him—was a scientist, a physician (of the mind), and a regular human being who relied only on empirical data.

“The Buddha himself told us we should not accept his word on faith, or through devotion,” I heard the Tibetan say in November. “We should investigate even his own words and come to an independent conclusion.” Like a Harvard philosopher, the Dalai Lama takes words apart and demands absolute precision: for a teaching in Yokohama on an eight-verse poem, he spent an hour on two words at its beginning, “May I,” to see what the “I” really is. And over and over, ever more as the years go on, he stresses “secular ethics based on scientific findings.” If his most evident passion is the lab research he’s been following and encouraging at M.I.T., Stanford, Emory University, the University of Wisconsin, and many other major universities, it’s because it offers a verifiable, universal measure of how much meditation, say, can lead to happiness, health, and peace of mind. The most recent book by one of the world’s most visible religious figures is called Beyond Religion, and argues that religion is a useful luxury in life, like tea, but what all of us most need is an everyday sense of kindness and responsibility, which lies outside the domain of religion, but remains as indispensable as water.

In the realm of politics, this means that the Dalai Lama is always taking seemingly counter-intuitive positions, based not on ideology but logic, and refuses to toe the line of his more woolly-minded admirers or even the most well-intentioned idealists. When he lived in Lhasa, he’s been telling me (and the world) for more than thirty years, he and his culture were too isolated; exile has, if nothing else, forced him and his people to shed certain illusions and “be more realistic.” People from other traditions should not become Buddhists, he said again in Tokyo last November; they may have much to learn from Buddhism—from everyone—as Buddhists and everyone can learn from them, but it’s “much better, much safer” to keep to their own traditions. As he delivered a talk on an eleventh century Tibetan Buddhist text (and urged those followers in the audience to be “twenty-first century Buddhists”), he said, “Now is the time for scientists to take the lead. Not people like me in robes.”

The essential feature of the Dalai Lama’s life, I often think, is the one fact that so many of us, won over by his charm and unpretentious humility, overlook: he was a full-fledged political leader, in one of the most difficult situations in the world, for 60 years until he effectively deposed himself, and passed all formal political leadership of his people to a democratically elected leadership, in 2011. Opposed and derided by the largest nation on earth, outnumbered by 200 to 1, and unable to visit his homeland or most of his people for more than half a century, he’s never been in a position to entertain romantic or wishy-washy or abstract “spiritual” answers. Pragmatism, what works in the here-and-now, is all that matters for him, as for the Buddha.

When I saw him in November, many were eager to ask him, inevitably, about the tragic rash of self-immolations that had left more than 50 Tibetans dead in recent months; even as he spoke, four more were taking their own lives, some of them as young as fifteen. True to his emphasis on realism, and his commitment to his monastic vows, the Dalai Lama could not endorse suicide even as he pointed out that people would act so desperately only if there was a serious problem in their lives. “Whether the Chinese government admits it or not,” he said, “there is a problem in Tibet. That is good for neither Tibet nor the Chinese government.” Force would only aggravate the problem and, he pointed out, since the self-immolators had not gone the way of suicide bombers or tried to take Chinese lives, they were clearly devoted to non-violence, yet ready to do anything to convey their hopelessness to the world.

In Okinawa, when locals came up to him and asked how he could help them get rid of U.S. bases on their soil, confident they’d find a supporter in a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, he (subtly and sympathetically) pointed out that without the bases, Okinawans might face even more violence. In the world we live in, systems of defense and even weapons can be instruments of peace more than of war. The important thing was to take a wider perspective—see the larger, global picture—and not look for short-term solutions. When the results of the American election came through while we were in Tokyo, he declined to say anything himself, but asked an American nearby what he thought, and said, “That is the most informed response. For an American election, we should ask an American elector.”

Again and again the leader of the Tibetans stresses that Tibetans are and should be grateful that the People’s Republic has brought them so much in the way of much-needed material and modern resources; but China, he says, may have something to learn from Tibet when it comes to more inner resources. China and Tibet will always be neighbors, dependent on one another, so whatever helps Tibet will help China, and whatever hurts China will hurt Tibet; to try to see them as opposed to one another makes about as much sense as telling your right hand to punch your left arm, or vice versa.

It reminded me of when Beijing was building a high-speed train to Lhasa a few years ago. Nearly every Han Chinese person I heard saw this as proof of the magnanimity of the People’s Republic as it “liberated” Tibet and brought the remote and impoverished area closer to the modern world; while nearly every Tibetan I knew saw this as part of the “destruction” of Tibet, a way of flooding it with Han Chinese. The Dalai Lama was the only one I met who said that, now the train was being built, it couldn’t be unbuilt; the only important thing to consider was not the vehicle, but the motivations behind it. If compassionate, it could indeed be a great blessing for Tibetans; and if exploitative, it would be unforgivable. But it made no sense to concentrate on just the external vessel.

As I travel with him, this commitment to realism and universal human logic, outside all ideologies and religions, often takes me aback. One day, as we were riding a train towards Nagoya, I mentioned to him a book I’d just read about in which Mao Zedong had written, “I am the universe… small is big, the yang is the yin, up is down, dirty is clean.” His word, in other words, was everything, and logic be damned! Instantly, the Dalai Lama grabbed my arm, and told me not to criticize the man, only his actions, even though Mao was the man who had worked so strenuously to obliterate Tibet. Actions, after all, are to be held against a universal standard of truth, and are behind us; actors—the people who commit actions—deserve our compassion as fellow human beings, and can always be turned towards more enlightened action.

In the political domain, where most leaders are thinking about the next election and are determined not to antagonize their core constituency, it’s bracing to see someone bring such non-partisan openness and impartial analysis into the White House, the back-rooms of Beijing, and the European Parliament. Even in his teens, in 1954, the Dalai Lama decided to go to China, over the protests of his fearful people, in order to see the land first-hand, to meet in person Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai, and to observe objectively what was being achieved by the revolution; the many months he spent traveling across the People’s Republic then have made him a much more precise and informed commentator on the subject than he would have been otherwise. And as he stressed again in November, “In terms of social or economic thinking, I am a Marxist. Lenin was too interested in power; but Marx, with his emphasis on equality and the rights of the people, was offering something wonderful.” Sometimes, with his characteristic mischief, he even suggests that he is more of a socialist than the men in charge of Communist China.

A Doctor of the Mind

This unbudging pragmatism is the reason the Dalai Lama has not much heeded the suggestions of well-wishers and agitators within the Tibetan community for purely physical ways to resolve the impasse between Tibet and China. Is a proud nation with a history of resisting suggestions from abroad really going to be turned around by a peace march or a petition, or even a handful of Tibetans knocking out a power station or a road? Such acts may win the world’s headlines for a few days and then lose the world’s good will forever. And they’re likely only to harden Chinese oppression. The Dalai Lama always says that the resolution to this issue, and to many others, may not come in his lifetime, but will come in time, because circumstances always change: centuries ago, Tibet all but controlled China, and at other points in history, China has almost destroyed Tibet. All we can do is work hard so as to be ready for when an opportunity arises.

He says this, of course, as the only Dalai Lama in history to have traveled to Belfast and Jerusalem, to have been at the Berlin Wall at the time it was coming down and to have followed the news with an acuity and attention that puts me and many of my fellow journalists to shame (seventeen years ago he told me he was “addicted” to the BBC World Service broadcast he listens to every morning at 5:30 a.m. during his first four hours of meditation; and it’s true that his talks are always spiced with references to the day’s news and the most current and topical issues). He’s seen his comrade and fellow cleric Desmond Tutu help bring an end to apartheid and build a free (though still troubled, of course) South Africa; he’s seen another close friend, Vaclav Havel, be unanimously voted to the presidency of Czechoslovakia eight weeks after he left prison.

The heart of the Buddhist vision is two-fold: it suggests that everything is impermanent—and so we should always be ready to adapt, to work with, even to embrace change—and that everything is interdependent (a view that the global economy, the planetary environmental situation, and the so-called “butterfly effect” all bear out every day now: what happens in Beijing is felt in Washington within hours, and vice versa). I’m not a Buddhist myself, but in an accelerating and fast-globalizing order, these ideas grow ever harder to challenge; you don’t have to be a Tibetan wise man to see that what happens in the political hallways of Beijing will be felt in New York and Washington minutes later.

One byproduct of this thinking is, of course, that, far more than just China and Tibet, the Dalai Lama is trying to offer concrete suggestions that may be helpful across our divided world—in places like the Middle East (or his adopted home for fifty-four years, India), where violent religious differences go back centuries. For forty years now, he’s watched Japan, parts of Europe, even India develop more and more materially and then wonder why money and opportunity haven’t brought them happiness. It wasn’t surprising to me, the last time I flew to Tibet, to find that many of the passengers on the plane from Chengdu (90 percent of them Han Chinese) were traveling to the remote area not just as sightseers, but as pilgrims, eager to visit Tibetan temples, to seek out Tibetan lamas, to bow before the holy places. If Americans and French people and Australians have turned to Tibetan Buddhism for the sustenance they feel they can’t get at home, it’s hardly strange that Chinese people, denied any spiritual life for sixty years, are gratefully recalling that they have a rich and ancient tradition within their current borders.

Insofar as the Dalai Lama can be seen as a “doctor of the mind”—the Buddha, after all, stressed, like any physician, simply finding the source of our suffering and then coming up with a cure—the image explains many of the features of his thought. A doctor isn’t infallibly right, and he can never protect his patients forever; at some point, he’ll always lose them. He cannot judge his patient on the basis of her nationality or religion or position in the world; the diagnosis should be the same regardless of externals. His is not the only possible response to any situation; another doctor would come up with a different prognosis. And ultimately, a doctor is dealing simply with universal, unvarying scientific laws; he is only as good as his ability to dispassionately assess conditions and then suggest a practical response.

The day after I heard the Dalai Lama address China’s recent differences with Japan in Yokohama last November, I watched him devote two full days of discussions to scientists in Tokyo. Aware of the monastic nature of their visitor, many of the Japanese scientists, often from Tokyo University and the nation’s leading institutes of higher learning, spoke about spiritual healing and ritual trances, about The Tibetan Book of the Dead and the worship of plants. Characteristically, the Dalai Lama seemed a bit put out by this, refusing to hold that plants have minds, and stressing that when some people come to see him because they think the Dalai Lama has “some kind of miraculous power, that’s nonsense!” When people ascribe healing powers to him, he said, he asked them why, if that were the case, he could not heal the itch in his own neck, and the problems he’s been having with his knee.

“Generally, I don’t believe in healing powers and those kinds of things,” he said, “though of course in special cases it may be possible.” He also made clear that we shouldn’t get caught up in talk and thought of spirits or oracles or the like; Buddhism is about analytical philosophy and working hard to transform the mind. When a scientist spoke about happiness during trances, the Dalai Lama responded that happiness based on “sensory consciousness” was as impermanent as everything; the only true happiness consisted in that peace of mind that is not dependent on circumstance.

At the end of the discussion, a Shinto priest—the vice-chief patriarch of a prominent shrine in Okayama who happened to be sitting next to me—leaned over, and, with a hearty laugh the Dalai Lama might have appreciated, pronounced, “The most scientific person on this panel of scientists is the one in monk’s robes. The only one who isn’t speaking about religion is the religious leader!” True enough. It only takes logic—and far-sightedness and empiricism—to see that Beijing has much to gain from loosening up on Tibet and everything to lose, world-wide, from pushing it down; and that whoever succeeds the Dalai Lama is likely to have less first-hand knowledge of China, less experience, and probably less forgiveness and sympathy in his heart than the Tibetan leader we’ve long known. “Once things are open and more information is available in the People’s Republic,” the Dalai Lama said in Yokohama, “these complicated matters can be solved more easily. In the meantime, frankly speaking, even if I make some comment, it’s no use. Nobody listens.”

Not “nobody,” I thought, but perhaps what we were really listening to was something that had to do with something much larger than China or Tibet: the way each person and each nation might try to deal with opposition and suffering.

Pico Iyer,an essayist and novelist, has written on world affairs for TIME since 1982, and is a regular contributor to the New York Times, Financial Times, New York Review of Books, and many other publications. Among his ten books is The Open Road, an examination of the Dalai Lama’s work in the world from the perspective of a non-Buddhist journalist. His most recent book is The Man Within Me, a study of Graham Greene.

For Immediate Release | February 2, 2013 2:01 pm

Contact: Mr. Dhundup Gyalpo
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Sikyong Dr. Lobsang Sangay releases the first publication of the Tibet Policy Institute on the fundamental reasons for the increasing number of self-immolations in Tibet.

Dharamsala, 28th January, 2013:   This white paper examines the underlying causes of the increasing number of self-immolations that are currently engulfing Tibet. The Central Tibetan Administration has made many appeals to the Tibetans in Tibet to desist from self-immolation. Despite the Central Tibetan Administration’s repeated appeals to stop the self-immolations, unfortunately the numbers of Tibetans setting themselves ablaze are adding up at an alarming rate and frequency. All Tibetans who have set themselves ablaze have called for the return of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to his homeland and freedom for Tibet. What are the causes which drive Tibetans to such acts of extreme desperation?

Sikyong Dr Lobsang Sangay releasing the white paper, ‘Why Tibet is Burning?’ at the Kashag Secretariat on January 28, 2013

The reason lies in China’s massive policy failure in Tibet over the course of more than 60 years of its rule. The revolution that is brewing in Tibet is driven by political repression, cultural assimilation, social discrimination, economic marginalisation and environmental destruction.  98 Tibetans so far, most of them in their teens and early twenties, have set themselves ablaze. According to Chinese communist propaganda, this is the generation that was supposed to have benefitted most from Chinese rule in Tibet. Clearly, though, China’s spectacular policy failure in Tibet has totally alienated the new generations of Tibetans and they express this alienation by asserting their loyalty to His Holiness the Dalai Lama whom they have not seen in their entire their lives and who has not set foot in Tibet for more than 50 years.

China’s failure to solve the fundamental problem of its rule in Tibet was foreseen in the early days of Chinese rule in Tibet by eminent Tibetan leaders working within the Chinese communist establishment.  As far back as the early 1960′s, these Tibetan leaders strongly decried Chinese communist rule. In an act of unprecedented courage and boldness, the late 10th Panchen Lama presented a 70,000-character petition addressed to the top Chinese leaders, which, though diplomatically worded, amounted to an accusation of China committing cultural genocide in Tibet. This blistering critique of the nature of Chinese rule in Tibet cost the Panchen Lama dearly. Mao Zedong called the Tibetan leader “our class enemy” and denounced his 70,000-character petition as a “poisoned arrow.” He was “struggled”, sometimes violently, and subjected to imprisonment and solitary confinement for many years. When he was released from confinement in the aftermath of the death of Mao Zedong, the Panchen Lama rebounded, and in 1989, stated that Tibet had lost more than it gained under Chinese communist rule. He made these comments only a few days before his mysterious and untimely death.

Arjia Rinpoche, the abbot of Kumbum Monastery in Tibet, held many important posts in the Chinese Buddhist Association. In 1998, when increasing pressure was exerted on him to recognise the Chinese-appointed Panchen Lama, he fled to America. “Modern Chinese history,” he says, “can be characterised as a ‘Tale of Three Fish.’ Taiwan is still swimming in the ocean. No one has caught that fish – at least not yet. Hong Kong is alive but on display in a Chinese aquarium. Tibet, the third fish, is broiled and on the table, already half devoured: its language, its religion, its culture and its native people are disappearing faster than its glacial ice.”

The late Ngapo Ngawang Jigme, one of the most prominent Tibetans who had worked with the Chinese communist establishment and was considered one of the national leaders of the People’s Republic of China, said at a party congress many years ago that the dearest wish of all old Tibetans was to see the Dalai Lama before their death. This would fulfill all their fondest hopes.

This universal wish of the Tibetan people was reiterated by Baba Phuntsog Wangyal, the founder of the Tibetan Communist Party, in one of the several letters he addressed to the top Chinese leaders on the issue of Tibet. “Therefore, most people in Kham, in (Central Tibet) Tibet and Amdo miss their spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, from the bottom of their hearts. They trust and rely on him and ask him to grant favour to them and pray for them.”

Many Tibetan intellectuals and cadres who work in the communist establishment in Tibet make their judgment of Chinese communist rule in these terms: “In the first 10 years (1950-60) we lost our land (i.e. communist China invaded Tibet). In the second 10 years (1960-70) we lost political power (the government of old Tibet was replaced by the communist establishment). In the third 10 years (1970-1980) we lost our culture (the Cultural Revolution destroyed Tibet’s traditional beliefs). In the fourth 10 years (1980-90) we lost our economy (Chinese settlers took over the job market in Tibet).”

This stark judgment of Chinese rule in Tibet describes the reasons that drive so many young Tibetans in Tibet to self-immolation. Daily, they see and experience China’s constant assault on Tibetan Buddhist civilization, Tibetan language and their very identity. They strongly resent the Chinese communist party’s active interference in their spiritual life, including the attempt to appoint Tibetan spiritual leaders. They resent to the core of their being China’s demonization of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the policy of forcing monks to denounce him. They look on with alarm and fear as Chinese settlers stream into Tibet, taking away Tibetan jobs, land and their very future—and in the process, transforming Tibetan towns and cities into so many Chinatowns. They resent the forced removal of nomads from the grasslands, away from their animal herds and their source of livelihood, and settling them on permanent housing structures, which bring no income, and reduce formerly self-sufficient families to impoverishment. At the same time the Tibetan people see massive development activities undertaken on their land that bring little or no benefit to them and aimed, instead, to cart away Tibetan natural resources to a resource-hungry China.  In fact the policies of the Chinese communist party demonstrate to the Tibetan people that China wants Tibet but not the Tibetan people.

(Read and download White Paper)